Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology

M. A. Baumhoff, Professor of Anthropology at the University of California, Davis, was born in Camino, California, on December 22, 1926. He died of cancer on March 27, 1983. After joining the Davis faculty in 1958, he served as Chairman of the Department of Anthropology from 1963 to 1966. For the next two years, during the heyday of so-called student unrest, he was the Vice Chancellor of Student Affairs at Davis.

It is not within the intent of this paper to enter into speculations concerning the probable destiny of the tribe, but although they have succeeded in maintaining their numerical strength for the past thirty or forty years, it would appear that their existence as a united people is seriously threatened. Until recent times their country was virtually ignored by the whites, who erroneously believed that Arizona and southeastern California were deserts incapable of sustaining life. This impression has since been proven totally incorrect, as is now attested by the flourishing Yuma gardens, productive ranches, and extensive irrigation enterprises in progress along the Gila River. Government land is preempted at an unprecedented rate, and the hitherto unoccupied valleys are rapidly filling up. In due course of time the constantly increasing population will encroach upon the outskirts of the Indian ranges to the extent of forcing the weaker race to adopt the habits of the stronger and by assimilation to lose their identity, which will naturally follow the destruction of tribal customs and traditions — the only influence that unites them. It is especially fortunate that the government is already preparing the younger generations by judicious practical training for the coming struggle for life.

Like their native American counterparts, Euro-American petroglyphs occur throughout Cuyamaca Rancho State Park. Most of them appear to be recent, being of the "Kilroy Was Here" variety. One, however, appears to be historically significant, and has been recorded as site SDI-9086H. The Lookout site, SDI-9086H, is located atop Cuyamaca Peak. It is the location of the Cuyamaca Lookout Tower, now out of service. From the site, one is afforded a commanding view of the surrounding countryside, much of which is included within the Cleveland National Forest. Pecked into a granite boulder adjacent to the tower is a petroglyph in the shape of the United States Forest Service emblem, complete with the names of all the lookout's smoke watchers between the years 1917 and 1932. Probably produced sometime shortly after 1932, this petroglyph serves to document the humanistic nature of rock art. Like his Kumeyaay counterparts, a Forest Service employee found here the inspiration and necessity to record on rock the presence of his people and, like the Kumeyaay, that presence has been outlived by the petroglyph.

The initial objective of this study is to construct a model of general resource availability. Relevant mammalian resources are then considered in light of the various hunting techniques that were potentially available for resource exploitation. Alternative procurement strategies are evaluated by examining the range of possible combination of resources and hunting techniques. Each combination has discrete archaeological consequences that can be compared to extant archaeological data. Finally, the combination that best fits the data-and inferred to be the probable prehistoric hunting strategy-is evaluated in terms of the variables that may have led to its adoption.

In general terms the changes at SBA-1 appear to reflect a broadening of the resource base, with fish and shellfish making up a greater share of the protein captured in the later period. This is in general agreement with the patterns predicted by regional theories dealing with environmental change and population growth in the Santa Barbara Channel region (Glassow 1980a: 14). Archaeological data (Glassow, Wilcoxon, and Erlandson n.d.) suggest that populations in the channel region were increasing during the periods in question. Such an increase in the number of people utilizing the region's resources would be likely to produce an intensification in the use of the marine environment as a result of the limitations on the terrestrial resources in the narrow coastal zone. The data from SBA-1 appear to show the effects of such intensification.

Twenty-four years ago, the existing data led Swartz (1960: 406) to state that "blade manufacture appears to be restricted to areas ethnographically inhabited by the Chumash." As demonstrated here, Swartz was premature in defining the distribution so narrowly. While it is now reasonable to say that microblades were also made in Luisefio and/or Ipai Diguefio territory, it would be likewise premature on the basis of evidence presented here to state that other late prehistoric peoples in southern California did or did not have the technology. This report should be viewed as another beginning step rather than a definitive conclusion of microblade research in the region.

The objective here is not to discuss the causes of high mortality in the missions, but rather to present in descriptive narrative form an outline of population movements as related to gentile recruitment. A regional approach makes sense for both geographical and historical reasons. Over a period of seventy years the Franciscans established four missions in the San Francisco Bay area, and a fifth, originally an asistencia, later attained mission status. San Francisco (1776) and Santa Clara (1777) were both established during the initial phase of the colonization of San Francisco Bay by Anza. San Jose (1797) was established to secure the conversion of Costanoans living in the east bay. San Rafael (1817) and San Francisco Solano (1823) resulted from the recruitment efforts of San Francisco missionaries in the north bay and, in the case of San Rafael, from the need to find a healthier spot for sick Indians from San Francisco mission.

It is not my intent to rework the statistical aspects of Thomas' Reese River model with P. monophylla data since that task is well beyond the scope of this paper. However, Thomas (1973: Table 1) predicted only 91 successful pinyon harvests over a 1000-year period, a figure that would appear to be far too low for P. monophylla. Taking into account the actual productivity of P. monophylla and the Forest Service's definition of "success," it may be that Thomas' estimate of pinyon success was low by several hundred percent or more. Pinus monophylla seed crops are considerably more productive than those of P. edulis. This would indicate that the ecosystem of the western and central Great Basin was more productive during the prehistoric period than is currently recognized. The use of P. monophylla (rather than P. edulis) data in subsistence models should result in the prediction of higher population densities, more restricted settlement patterns, and a more stable social organization during the prehistoric period. This change alone could alter perception of the nature of prehistoric settlement subsistence patterns in the Great Basin from one of bare survival to one of greater stability.

Cabezon's villages had resource gathering territories on the southwest slope of the Little San Bernardino Mountains. These territories provided diverse and abundant floral and faunal resources at various times of the year from three plant communities: Creosote Bush Scrub, Joshua Tree Woodland, and Pinyon- Juniper Woodland (Wilke 1978: 123). Although Barrows (1900: 53, 69) suggested that the diversity and year-round productivity of their natural environment precluded the necessity for hoarding large amounts of food, caching of emergency food supplies was a regular practice among nineteenth-century Cahuilla (Bean 1972: 39; Bean and Saubel 1972: 111), and probably has considerable antiquity as a survival tactic in such a potentially harsh environment as the Colorado Desert. A number of such family-owned caches scattered throughout nearby foothills could have served as insurance against lean times.

No functional interpretation is offered here. The occurrence of two painted stones from two different sites some 13.7 km. apart suggests more may have existed in the interval. Both were found in an area attributed to the McCloud Wintu (DuBois 1935: 6) and they may represent a localized trait of this dialectal subgroup whose prehistoric territory is now largely under the waters of Shasta Lake.

A final thought concerning the size and shape of many incised and engraved objects found in the Chumash and Gabrielino territory involves the importance of these variables in understanding social or ceremonial behavior. The objects which have been previously discussed have varied from simple to complex, bulky to fragile, drilled to undrilled, and elaborate to simple designs. The study of the variability in design motif, size, and shape of these incised objects centers on the question: "Does the variability in the elements that make up the object reflect differences in function, customs, norms, or beliefs?" To an extent we could say yes, since a heavy, undrilled, comal-like object would not necessarily have functioned in the same manner as a small, drilled, fragile pendant. However, they both could have been carried, used as status or wealth indicators, and functioned in a ceremonial context. It is possible that the craftsman who manufactured these objects did so at the request of chiefs, shamans, or high-status individuals. However, they may represent the personal artistic freedom of the craftsman, or be manufactured as amorphous forms to be further designed or elaborated on by their owners. If there were soapstone specialists performing the technical aspects of shaping and designing the particular objects based on demand or their own creative, artistic abilities, then the ultimate function of objects such as the one found at Johnson's Landing could have had some relationship to their design motifs, sizes, and shapes.

The final observation concerns the function of the petroglyph. The intention here is not to review the various hypotheses, briefly reviewed by Thomas (1976: 66), that are often used to interpret rock art. However, new information is available to add to the existing body of interpretive schemes. Based on locational patterns, Martin (personal communication 1980) suggested the connected circle motif might be a trail sign. The chain of diamonds motif has been linked to the hunting hypothesis (Thomas 1976), and it can be related to local ethnographic groups as well. Goldschmidt (1951) stated that a Nomlaki bow decoration utilized this design. The petroglyph discovery site is on the edge of Nomlaki territory (Kroeber 1925: 351). A Wailaki string figure (Foster 1944: Fig. 13) apparently resembles the string mesh, a series of overlapping chains of diamonds, inserted inside deer snares. Both the bow and snare are obviously connected with hunting activities.

Wallace's (1955) "A Suggested Chronology for Southern California Coastal Archeology" is a pioneering paper that established a cultural chronology, and I do not wish to detract from its contributions. However, the horizon concept, which is the basic concept of Wallace's paper, does not by itself form "an adequate framework" (Koerper and Drover 1983: 26), nor is it "sufficient to our scholarly needs" (Koerper and Drover 1983: 1). The concepts of horizon and tradition are tools for archaeological analysis, just as the shovels and trowels are tools for excavation. The question should not be which tool is best, but rather which tool is best used for the task at hand.

If a horizon is taken to be "a primarily spatial continuity represented by cultural traits and assemblages whose nature and mode of occurrence permit the assumption of a broad and rapid spread" (Willey and Phillips 1958: 33), then Wallace's archaeological cultures are not, strictly speaking, horizons. While Warren's 1968 article failed to resolve the problems of horizons, Warren (this issue) does make the useful observation that Wallace's (1955: 228) brief discussion of southern California coast cultural development was one in which horizons became very much like stages of cultural development.

Antiquities Section Selected Papers 1-16. David B. Madsen. ed. Salt Lake City: Utah Historical Society Division of State History, 7 vols., 1975-1980, $5.50 per volume individually or the seven for $35.00 if ordered together.

The Archeology of Monitor Valley: 2. Gatecliff Shelter. David Hurst Thomas, in collaboration with Jonathan 0. Davis, Donald K. Grayson, Wilton N. Melhorn, Trudy Thomas, and Dennis T. Trexler. American Museum of Natural History Anthropological Papers Vol. 59, Part 1, 1983, 552 pp., 242 figs., 91 tables, $42.00 (paper).

Missionaries, Miners, & Indians: Spanish Contact with the Yaqui Nation of Northwestern New Spain, 1533- 1820. Evelyn Hu-DeHart. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1981, 152 pp., maps, tables, notes, bibliography, index, $19.95 (cloth). Yaqui Resistance and Survival: The Struggle for Land and Autonomy, 1821 - 1910. Evelyn Hu-DeHart. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1984, 293 pp., maps, tables, notes, bibliography, index, $27.50 (cloth).

Archaeological Studies at Oro Grande, Mojave Desert, California. Edited by Carol Rector, James D. Swenson, and Philip J. Wilke. Redlands: San Bernardino County Museum Association, 1983, 181 pp., 32 figs., $10.00 (paper).

Archaeological Investigations in the Sacramento River Canyon, Vol. I: Report of Testing at Seven Aboriginal Sites. C. M. Raven, S. K. Goldberg, M. J. Moratto, and K. M. Banks. Sacramento: California Department of Transportation, 1984, 650 pp., 94 figs., 7 attached maps, $15.00 (paper).

The Material Culture of the Chumash Interaction Sphere, Vol. I: Food Procurement and Transportation. Travis Hudson and Thomas C. Blackburn. Los Altos: Ballena Press Anthropological Papers No. 25 (Ballena Press / Santa Barbara Museum of Natural History Cooperative Publications), 1982, 387 pp., 228 figs., 3 tables, 1 plate, 1 map, index, $19.95 (paper), $35.00 (cloth). The Material Culture of the Chumash Interaction Sphere, Vol. II: Food Preparation and Shelter. Travis Hudson and Thomas C Blackburn. Los Altos: Ballena Press Anthropological Papers No. 27 (Ballena Press / Santa Barbara Museum of Natural History Cooperative Publications), 1983, 461 pp., 447 figs., 3 tables, 1 map, index, $24.95 (paper), $39.95 (cloth).