Spanning more than six decades between the 1940s and early 2000s, the construction of the U.S. federal Interstate Highway System perpetuated racial inequality, weakened social institutions, disrupted local economies, and physically divided neighborhoods. Systemic racism embedded within housing, educational, and labor systems depressed land values, hindered homeownership, and made neighborhoods of color more vulnerable to selection for freeway routes. Unequal political power in the decision making process also disadvantaged people of color, who often were excluded from participatory planning processes. Additionally, unlike white Americans, people of color had significantly less ability to relocate to rapidly expanding suburbs if displaced by freeway construction. Expanding on prior work conducted by researchers at the UCLA Institute of Transportation Studies and Center for Neighborhood Knowledge, this study incorporates three additional case studies in California: South Colton (Inland Empire), West Fresno (Central Valley), and City Heights (San Diego).
California is unlikely to meet its climate goals if it doesn’t reduce vehicle travel. So far, however, state and local efforts to reduce vehicle miles traveled (VMT) have fallen short of expectations, even as cities grow more compact and public transit funding has increased. To better understand the role of highway expansion in meeting California’s climate goals, we analyzed whether a simple model that only considers road capacity and population growth can predict VMT as well as traditional transportation models. We also looked at the share of recent VMT growth that has been caused by expanded road capacity, and the reductions in VMT from transit and other projects funded by California’s climate investments.
The California High-Speed Rail (HSR) project aims to transform transportation in the state. To understand the impact of this project as it “rolls out” across the state, we analyzed its economic benefits across each of its plannedphases, complementing official projections from the California High-Speed Rail Authority (CHSRA). Our analysis is based on a spatial economic model of the rail system model previously developed by members of our team. This model captures the direct potential travel benefits of the HSR project, such as quicker and sometimes cheaper transportation, for commuters, business travelers, and leisure travelers. It also captures wider economic benefits such as higher wages and land values stemming from greater concentration of employment in more productive areas.
The California High-Speed Rail (HSR) project stands to significantly change transportation across the state, but questions remain about who will benefit most from this massive infrastructure investment. While previous analyses have focused on the aggregate economic benefits of HSR in California, we provide a more nuanced understanding of these benefits for communities across California using a spatial economic model previously developed by members of our team. This model captures the direct potential travel benefits of the HSR project (such as quicker and sometimes cheaper transportation) for commuters, business travelers, and leisure travelers. It also captures wider economic benefits such as higher wages and land values stemming from greater concentration of employment in more productive areas. We examine how these benefits would be distributed across California regions and socioeconomic and income groups. By understanding the potential disparities in the impact of the HSR project, policymakers can develop complementary policies to promote more balanced economic development across regions in the state.
Most car buyers use some form of financing to purchase a vehicle, and almost half of all California borrowers carry some amount of automobile debt. While automobile loans enable lower-income households—who might otherwise be priced out of vehicle ownership—to make payments over time, this debt can significantly strain household budgets. The COVID-19 pandemic elevated the importance of owning a private vehicle as concerns over viral person-to-person transmission made traveling by car an even more attractive compared to communal transportation (e.g., public transit). Moreover, a host of pandemic-related services, including testing and vaccination, were either only or best accessible by car.
To better understand how COVID-19 impacted car ownership, we explored whether automobile loans (and in turn debt) in California—particularly in communities of color where workers were more likely to work outside of the home—increased during the pandemic. We drew on a one-percent sample of the University of California Consumer Credit Panel, a dataset from Experian of every loan and borrower in California.
Automobiles can greatly enhance access to employment and other opportunities. However, many households do not have the resources to purchase a vehicle outright and must rely on automobile loans. This increases the total cost of owning a vehicle, particularly for non-white consumers who may have to pay higher purchase prices and/or higher interest rates due to discriminatory lending practices. The effects of high household debt—of which automobile loans are one component—are magnified in lower income neighborhoods, leaving residents with fewer resources to invest in the local economy. Our team used the University of California Consumer Credit Panel, a dataset from Experian, which tracks every loan and borrower in California, to examine how and why automobile loan debt varies from place to place in the state and its consequences. We specifically tested whether total automobile debt, debt burden (the ratio of automobile debt to income), and automobile loan delinquencies in 2021 disproportionately affected non-white neighborhoods.
