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Determining the alternatives for scalar implicature
Abstract
Successful communication regularly requires listeners to makepragmatic inferences — enrichments beyond the literal mean-ing of a speaker’s utterance. For example, when interpretinga sentence such as “Alice ate some of the cookies,” listenersroutinely infer that Alice did not eat all of them. A Griceanaccount of this phenomenon assumes the presence of alterna-tives (like “all of the cookies”) with varying degrees of infor-mativity, but it remains an open question precisely what thesealternatives are. To address this question, we collect empiricalmeasurements of speaker and listener judgments about vary-ing sets of alternatives across a range of scales and use these asinputs to a computational model of pragmatic inference. Thisapproach allows us to test hypotheses about how well differ-ent sets of alternatives predict pragmatic judgments by peo-ple. Our findings suggest that comprehenders likely considera broader set of alternatives beyond those logically entailed bythe initial message.
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