Objective

Weight self-perceptions, or how a person perceives his/her weight status, may affect weight outcomes. We use nationally representative data from 1988-1994 and 1999-2008 to examine racial/ethnic disparities in weight self-perceptions and understand how disparities have changed over time.

Design

Using data from two time periods, 1988-1994 and 1999-2008, we calculated descriptive statistics, multivariate logistic regression models and predicted probabilities to examine trends in weight self-perceptions among Whites, Blacks, US-born Mexican Americans and Mexican immigrants to the USA. Setting National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES) III (1988-1994) and continuous NHANES (1999-2008).

Subjects

Adult NHANES participants aged 18 years and older (n 37 050).

Results

The likelihood of self-classifying as overweight declined between 1988-1994 and 1999-2008 among all US adults, despite significant increases in mean BMI and overweight prevalence. Trends in weight self-perceptions varied by gender and between racial/ethnic groups. Whites in both time periods were more likely than racial/ethnic minorities to perceive themselves as overweight. After adjustment for other factors, disparities in weight self-perceptions between Whites and Blacks of both genders grew between survey periods (P<0·05), but differences between overweight White women and Mexican immigrants decreased (P<0·05).

Conclusions

Weight self-perceptions have changed during the obesity epidemic in the USA, but changes have not been consistent across racial/ethnic groups. Secular declines in the likelihood of self-classifying as overweight, particularly among Blacks, are troubling because weight self-perceptions may affect weight-loss efforts and obesity outcomes.

Using two nationally representative data sets, this study examined health care expenditure disparities between Caucasians and different Asian American subgroups. Multivariate analyses demonstrate that Asian Americans, as a group, have significantly lower total expenditures compared with Caucasians. Results also point to considerable heterogeneities in health care spending within Asian American subgroups. Findings suggest that language assistance programs would be effective in reducing disparities among Caucasians and Asian American subgroups with the exception of Indians and Filipinos, who tend to be more proficient in English. Results also indicate that citizenship and nativity were major factors associated with expenditure disparities. Socioeconomic status, however, could not explain expenditure disparities. Results also show that Asian Americans have lower physician and pharmaceutical costs but not emergency department or hospital expenditures. These findings suggest the need for culturally competent policies specific to Asian American subgroups and the necessity to encourage cost-effective treatments among Asian Americans.

We sought to determine the differences in observed and unobserved factors affecting rates of health insurance coverage between US Latino adults and US Latino adults of Mexican ancestry. Our hypothesis was that Latinos of Mexican ancestry have worse health insurance coverage than their non-Mexican Latino counterparts. The National Health Interview Survey (NHIS) database from 1999–2007 consists of 33,847 Latinos. We compared Latinos of Mexican ancestry to non-Mexican Latinos in the initial descriptive analysis of health insurance coverage. Disparities in health insurance coverage across Latino categories were later analyzed in a multivariable logistic regression framework, which adjusts for confounding variables. The Blinder-Oaxaca technique was applied to parse out differences in health insurance coverage into observed and unobserved components. US Latinos of Mexican ancestry consistently had lower rates of health insurance coverage than did US non-Mexican Latinos. Approximately 65% of these disparities can be attributed to differences in observed characteristics of the Mexican ancestry population in the US (e.g., age, sex, income, employment status, education, citizenship, language and health condition). The remaining disparities may be attributed to unobserved heterogeneity that may include unobserved employment-related information (e.g., type of employment and firm size) and behavioral and idiosyncratic factors (e.g., risk aversion and cultural differences). This study confirmed that Latinos of Mexican ancestry were less likely to have health insurance than were non-Mexican Latinos. Moreover, while differences in observed socioeconomic and demographic factors accounted for most of these disparities, the share of unobserved heterogeneity accounted for 35% of these differences.

The changing Latino demographic in the United States presents a number of challenges to health care policy makers, clinicians, organizations, and other stakeholders. Studies have demonstrated that Latinos tend to have worse patterns of access to, and utilization of, health care than other ethnic and racial groups. The implementation of the Affordable Care Act (ACA) of 2010 may ameliorate some of these disparities. However, even with the ACA, it is expected that Latinos will continue to have problems accessing and using high-quality health care, especially in states that are not expanding Medicaid eligibility as provided by the ACA. We identify four current policy dilemmas relevant to Latinos' health and ACA implementation: (a) the need to extend coverage to the undocumented; (b) the growth of Latino populations in states with limited insurance expansion;

Objective

To examine racial and ethnic disparities in health care access and utilization after the Affordable Care Act (ACA) health insurance mandate was fully implemented in 2014.

Research design

Using the 2011-2014 National Health Interview Survey, we examine changes in health care access and utilization for the nonelderly US adult population. Multivariate linear probability models are estimated to adjust for demographic and sociodemographic factors.

Results

The implementation of the ACA (year indicator 2014) is associated with significant reductions in the probabilities of being uninsured (coef=-0.03, P<0.001), delaying any necessary care (coef=-0.03, P<0.001), forgoing any necessary care (coef=-0.02, P<0.001), and a significant increase in the probability of having any physician visits (coef=0.02, P<0.001), compared with the reference year 2011. Interaction terms between the 2014 year indicator and race/ethnicity demonstrate that uninsured rates decreased more substantially among non-Latino African Americans (African Americans) (coef=-0.04, P<0.001) and Latinos (coef=-0.03, P<0.001) compared with non-Latino whites (whites). Latinos were less likely than whites to delay (coef=-0.02, P<0.001) or forgo (coef=-0.02, P<0.001) any necessary care and were more likely to have physician visits (coef=0.03, P<0.005) in 2014. The association between year indicator of 2014 and the probability of having any emergency department visits is not significant.

Conclusions

Health care access and insurance coverage are major factors that contributed to racial and ethnic disparities before the ACA implementation. Our results demonstrate that racial and ethnic disparities in access have been reduced significantly during the initial years of the ACA implementation that expanded access and mandated that individuals obtain health insurance.

This study identifies differences in health insurance predictors and investigates the main reported reasons for lacking health insurance coverage between short-stayed (≤ 10 years) and long-stayed (>10 years) US immigrant adults to parse the possible consequences of the Affordable Care Act among immigrants by length of stay and documentation status. Foreign-born adults (18-64 years of age) from the 2009 California Health Interview Survey are the study population. Health insurance coverage predictors and the main reasons for being uninsured are compared across cohorts and by documentation status. A logistic-regression two-part multivariate model is used to adjust for confounding factors. The analyses determine that legal status is a strong health insurance predictor, particularly among long-stayed undocumented immigrants. Immigration status is the main reported reason for lacking health insurance. Although long-stayed documented immigrants are likely to benefit from the Affordable Care Act implementation, undocumented immigrants and short-stayed documented immigrants may encounter difficulties getting health insurance coverage.

Since the 1960s the immigrant population in the United States has increased fourfold, reaching 44.7 million, or 13.7 percent of the US population, in 2018. The shifting immigrant demography presents several challenges for US health policy makers. We examine recent trends in immigrant health and health care after the Great Recession and the nationwide implementation of the Affordable Care Act. Recent immigrants are more likely to have lower incidence of chronic health conditions than other groups in the US, although these differences vary along the citizenship and documentation status continuum. Health care inequities among immigrants and US-born residents increased after the Great Recession and later diminished after the Affordable Care Act took effect. Unremitting inequities remain, however, particularly among noncitizen immigrants. The number of aging immigrants is growing, which will present a challenge to the expansion of coverage to this population. Health care and immigration policy changes are needed to integrate immigrants successfully into the US health care system.

We examined changes in health insurance coverage and access to and use of health care among adult (ages 18-64) Latinos in the US before (2007-13) and after (2014-16) implementation of the main provisions of the Affordable Care Act. Data from the California Health Interview Survey were used to compare respondents in the two periods. We used multivariable and decomposition regression analyses to investigate the role of documentation status in access disparities between Mexicans and other Latinos in California. Our findings show that after the implementation of these provisions in California, insurance coverage increased for US- and foreign-born Latinos, including undocumented Latinos. Our decomposition analyses show that after implementation, disparities between Mexicans and other Latinos declined with respect to having coverage and a usual source of care. Without the implementation of these provisions in 2014, these disparities would have been 5.76 percent and 0.31 percent larger, respectively. In contrast, legal documentation status was positively associated with disparities between Mexicans and other Latinos in having coverage and physician visits. If Mexican Latinos had had the same share of undocumented immigrants as other Latinos, disparities in health insurance coverage would have declined by 24.17 percent.

It is important to understand the source of health-care disparities between Latinos and other children in the United States. We examine parent-reported health-care access and utilization among Latino, White, and Black children (≤17 years old) in the United States in the 2006-2011 National Health Interview Survey. Using Blinder-Oaxaca decomposition, we portion health-care disparities into two parts (1) those attributable to differences in the levels of sociodemographic characteristics (e.g., income) and (2) those attributable to differences in group-specific regression coefficients that measure the health-care 'return' Latino, White, and Black children receive on these characteristics. In the United States, Latino children are less likely than Whites to have a usual source of care, receive at least one preventive care visit, and visit a doctor, and are more likely to have delayed care. The return on sociodemographic characteristics explains 20-30% of the disparity between Latino and White children in the usual source of care, delayed care, and doctor visits and 40-50% of the disparity between Latinos and Blacks in emergency department use and preventive care. Much of the health-care disadvantage experienced by Latino children would persist if Latinos had the sociodemographic characteristics as Whites and Blacks.

The aim of this study was to examine disparities in provider-related barriers to health care by race and ethnicity of children in California after the implementation of the Affordable Care Act (ACA). California Health Interview Survey child (0-11 years) survey data from 2014 to 2016 were used to conduct multivariable logistic regressions to estimate the odds of reporting any provider-related barrier, trouble finding a doctor, child's health insurance not accepted by provider, and child not being accepted as a new patient. Compared with parents of non-Latino white children, parents of non-Latino black, Latino, Asian, and other/multiracial children were not more likely to report experiencing any of the 4 provider-related barrier measures. The associations between children's race and ethnicity and parents' reports of provider-related barriers were nonsignificant. Findings demonstrate that there are no significant racial/ethnic differences in provider-related barriers to health care for children in California in the post-ACA era.