This research examines how social identities, in particular at the intersection of gender and race, shape the emotions people associate with others and influence judgments of emotional targets. While researchers have primarily focused on understanding how such associations (i.e., stereotypes and connections) and judgments (i.e., warmth, competence, and affiliation) are influenced by gender or race, much less is known about the joint influence of gender, race, and emotion. Given that gender and race are often intertwined (e.g., a Black woman is rarely only solely Black or rarely a woman), it is essential that research examines such intersectional effects of gender and race. Furthermore, the existing intersectional frameworks have not yet been applied to predict emotion associations and judgments. As a result, it is unclear how gender, race, and emotion influence emotion associations and judgments. My dissertation addresses these gaps in the following four parts—Chapter 1: a literature review that examines the current scholarly understanding of intersectional frameworks, emotion associations, and judgments; Chapter 2: an investigation of how people associate two salient social identities—gender (e.g., men and women) and race (e.g., Black and White people)—with the behavior and experience of emotion; Chapter 3: an investigation of how people judge emotional targets as a function of the target’s gender, race, and emotion; and finally, a general discussion where I examine the predictions of the existing intersectional frameworks against my findings, propose a novel approach for understanding intersectional emotion judgments, and highlight the theoretical implications and future applications of my research. In Chapter 2, across two samples (n’s = 446 and 253), I tested how, 1) people associate social identities with particular emotional behavior and experiences; and 2) these associations can not simply be explained by gender or race effects in isolation. Participants rated the extent to which they perceive society to associate Black men, Black women, White men, and White women with the behavior and experience of anger, sadness, anxiety, happiness, and no emotion (defined as not expressing or experiencing emotion). I found interactions of gender and race across all emotions, excluding happiness. Specifically, for anger, participants generally rated Black men and Black women equally to each other and higher than White targets. However, within White targets, participants rated White men higher than White women. For sadness, anxiety, and happiness, participants largely rated women higher than men. Within women, participants rated White women higher than Black women. Yet, within men, White men and Black men were equal to each other. Finally, for no emotion, participants rated White men higher than Black men, Black men higher than Black women, and Black women higher than White women. These effects were consistent across emotion behavior and emotion experience. Additionally, effects generally remained when I accounted for participants' impression management, gender, race, societal perspective, and personal perspective. These findings map the associations between salient intersectional social identities and emotions and demonstrate that the joint consideration of gender, race, and emotion is essential to fully understand how social identities are associated with emotions. In Chapter 3, across three studies (n’s = 646, 366, and 292), I examined how the perceived warmth, competence, and (intended) affiliation towards a target is predicted by the target’s gender, race, and emotion (anger, sadness, and neutral). Indeed, I found three-way interactions of gender, race, and emotion. Specifically, participants judged angry Black men similarly to neutral Black men, while all other targets were judged harsher when they were angry compared to neutral. Participants also judged sad women similarly to neutral women, while all other sad targets were judged more positively when they were sad compared to neutral. The results largely hold when controlling for participants’ impression management, gender, and race. Moreover, I demonstrate that deliberation did not play an important role in the observed judgments. Finally, in the general discussion, I evaluate how well existing intersectional frameworks predict my findings. None of the existing frameworks fully aligned with my findings. For emotion associations, the model of stereotyping through associated and intersectional categories (MOSAIC; Hall et al., 2019) provided the most adequate predictions. However, for emotion judgments, the frameworks were insufficient. Thus, I proposed a novel framework, which suggests that emotion judgments are biased jointly by gender, race, and emotion. This bias is visible when judgements towards an emotional (e.g., angry or sad) target are compared to judgments towards an neutral target of the same gender and race. I proposed that the more similar emotional target judgements are to the neutral target judgments (compared to other targets), the less functional the emotion is for the target; and thus, the more bias the target receives through the judgment. I refer to this as emotion judgment conflation bias. In Chapter 3, I found judgment conflation bias towards angry Black men, sad women. While my framework needs to be further refined, this proposition informs theories of social judgments by identifying how gender, race, and emotion jointly shape emotion judgments. In sum, my dissertation demonstrates that emotion associations and judgments are predicted by the joint influence of gender, race, and emotion. These findings contribute to a deeper theoretical understanding of social identities and emotion, and suggest pathways to include multiple social identities in future research. Given that the expression and perception of emotion is a key part of our social world, my dissertation has implications for redressing inequalities in all areas with prevalent racial and gender judgment disparities including healthcare, employee management, and law.