This dissertation seeks to highlight the relationship between foreign investment, financial development, and economic institutions in developing countries. The determinants and impact of foreign investment has been of particular scholarly interest over the past two decades, with only recent focus on developing countries. The first two chapters focus on the institutional determinants (domestic and international) of foreign direct investment (FDI) in developing countries. The third chapter accesses the domestic distributional consequences of foreign investment in developing countries.

The first chapter focuses on the domestic institutional determinants of foreign direct investment and financial deepening. Specifically, I create an institutional quality index that addresses investors desire to know more about the institutional environment within developing countries. Building upon and expanding previous theoretical frameworks for determinants of foreign and domestic capital flows, I utilize cross-sectional empirical analysis to assess the role that institutions play in promoting financial development and foreign direct investment. I find that institutional quality has a positive and significant on both foreign direct investment and financial deepening.

This second chapter examines the significance of bilateral investment treaties (BITs) in promoting FDI between developing (South-South) countries. Drawing on intra-regional investment data from MENA countries, this paper initiates the examination of South-South BITs, their impact on FDI, and the theoretical channels through which changes in FDI occur. The results of my time-series cross-sectional analysis suggest that the signing of South-South BITs have a positive impact on FDI flows, but under different circumstances than North-South agreements.

The final chapter considers the distributional consequences of foreign direct investment in developing countries. Specifically, I access the impact of foreign investment on the level of democracy and the level of income inequality. Additionally, I estimate the intervening impact of domestic financial development and how this interacts with FDI and the dependent variables. I find that in a sample of developing countries, FDI increases levels of democracy, as well income inequality, and that domestic financial development has an interactive effect.

The most prevalent form of government in California (1,947) and the United States (38,266) are known as special districts, yet we know little about them. In California, the governing boards of special districts are either appointed or elected, which leads to the possibility of discrepancies in accountability and representation due to the differential selection methods of board directors. Furthermore, are special districts being used as a kind of shallow end of the pool in politics to help start one’s career in public office or a type of resting place where seasoned local politicians continue to make public policy? Historical migration trends, partisanship, political participation, and economic variables were analyzed to test the pervasiveness of special districts. Twenty-five in-depth, elite interviews, an original data set, surveys, and statistical analyses aided the accumulation of new insights and knowledge of special districts. The results demonstrate that the principal-agent relationship between elected board directors and voters is strong, while the majority of appointed board directors deviate from the classical theory by stating their sense of accountability lies with the organization and citizens rather than the person(s) responsible for their appointment. Special districts are regularly being utilized by both experienced local officials and zealous political newcomers who seek to run for higher office—particularly city council. The study concludes by presenting that the effect of historical migration in the U.S. had a significant impact on the establishment and creation of special districts in California, while the effects of partisanship preference and economic factors were moderate. The findings perpetuated from this inquiry allow for the improvement of democratic practices, increase of accountability, and increase of overall knowledge regarding special districts. As special districts remain the most abundant form of government throughout California and the U.S. and are frequently employed as a means of government to provide public services to residents, it is vital to continue researching their effects on representation, efficiency, and growth.

The purpose of this study was to examine the ways in which the European Union and its member states offer protection to particularly vulnerable refugee populations. The dissertation’s three articles focused primarily on the obstacles to securing asylum protection faced by children, women, and stateless persons. While the analysis, overall, shows there is some cause for optimism regarding European protection schemes, there are numerous remaining gaps in protection to be addressed.

The first article examines the possible determinants of asylum claims in Europe. Using statistical data from the European Commission, it explores the impact of variables related to the applicant, the deciding state, and the state of origin. The critical asylum literature argues there is systemic bias against women and children seeking refugee status. However, the results of this article do not support this critique. Instead, the conditions in the state of origin – which can be seen as a proxy for the claim’s merit – have the greatest explanatory power in the models.

The second article examines the obstacles faced by refugees seeking protection from gender-based persecution. Unlike other areas of asylum law, there are no definitive EU-level guidelines on how to assess such claims, leaving states to determine their own paths. A comparative legal analysis of 44 appeals decisions demonstrates that although the available European guidelines have some impact on courts’ decisions, other factors – including the rates of applications received by the state, the type of court deciding the case, and the length of EU membership – have greater influence on national courts.

The final article explores the gaps in the protections available to stateless persons, including stateless refugees. An examination of policies and documents from IGOs, NGOs, and national government identifies several approaches to addressing protection claims from stateless persons in the EU. Problematically, a lack of supranational leadership has allowed states to use this divergence in approaches to either avoid responsibility for stateless persons or minimize the protection available to them. In particular, the delegation of statelessness determination procedures to asylum authorities has created and institutionalized several obstacles to protection for stateless persons.

Using the Martin-Quinn ideology scores, we show that U.S. Supreme Court justices strategically respond to Supreme Court membership change. At the aggregate level, the Court moves to counter-balance the ideological change brought about by a new justice. The behavior is most prevalent in 1938-1948, which we call a period of “Constrained Liberalism” and 1975-1995, which we call a period of “Constrained Conservatism.” Counter-balancing is less prevalent throughout the 1950s – early 1970s when justices either ignored or amplified ideological shifts caused by the membership change (especially liberal shifts in 1960s). At the individual level, membership change in the conservative direction leads to a greater response from liberal justices while a change in the liberal direction leads to a greater response from the conservative justices. One implication of our results is that the prevalence of this counter-balancing reaction to membership change has a stabilizing effect on the aggregate ideology of the Supreme Court.

Foreign direct investment (FDI) is an increasingly important part of the world economy. Foreign investment is especially important in developing countries where it can make up for a lack of domestic capital, increase tax receipts, improve employment, and hopefully lead to economic development. Given the potential importance of foreign direct investment it is important to understand why some countries receive more foreign investment than others. This dissertation examines the role a country's respect for the rule of law plays in its ability to attract FDI. Using regression analysis I find investors prefer countries that protect contract, property, and physical integrity rights. At the same time, countries with a weak rule of law are still able to attract FDI. Using the results of an original survey of U.S.-based CEOs, phone interviews, statistical analysis, and a case study of China, I argue investors use personal relationships with business partners and government connections to reduce the uncertainty created by a weak rule of law. Furthermore, investors prefer personal relationships more than formal rule-of-law substitutes like bilateral investment treaties and special economic zones.