This paper discusses, at a conceptual level, a number of issues related to the evaluation of the transportation and spatial impacts of e-shopping. We review the comparative advantages of store shopping and e-shopping, and conclude that neither type uniformly dominates the other. We identify the building blocks of the shopping process, and note that information and communications technologies are making possible the spatial and temporal fragmentation and recombination of those elements. We analyze future shopping-related changes in transportation as the net outcome of four different fundamental causes, that can be viewed hierarchically: ( 1) changes in shopping mode share (i.e. shifts in the proportion of shopping activities conducted through store shopping, e-shopping and other modes), keeping the volume of goods purchased and per capita consumption spending constant; ( 2) changes in the volume of goods purchased, keeping per capita consumption spending constant; ( 3) changes in per capita consumption spending, independent of demographic changes; and ( 4) demographic changes. Some factors result in reduced travel while others lead to increased travel. The combined outcome of all factors does not appear to support any hope that e-shopping will reduce travel on net; to the contrary there may be negative impacts due to increased travel, even if those impacts are likely to be localized and/or small in magnitude for the most part. Thus, on the whole, we are likely (with some exceptions) to see continued adoption of both store shopping and e-shopping. Consumers will blend both forms as they conduct a sequence of shopping activities, and retailers will blend both in marketing to and serving customers. Assessing the transportation impacts of e-shopping - even in the short term, let alone the long term - presents some formidable measurement challenges. Nevertheless, those challenges are worthy of our most creative efforts at solution.

This paper provides an overview of the status of telecommuting in the United States, especially as it relates to changes in travel behavior. Regarding the state of the practice, the paper discusses some refinements to the definition of telecommuting that have developed through increased operational experience. It reports several policy statements involving telecommuting, and explores the appeal of telecommuting as a public policy instrument. It highlights some trends in the implementation of home-based and work center-based telecommuting, and suggests that visible public-sector involvement has been crucial to the increased activity in this area.

In sketching the state of the art, the paper outlines some frequently-stated hypothesis on telecommuting and travel behavior, and summarizes current empirical findings relating to those hypotheses. Finally, it suggests a variety of topics suitable for further research. These include studying factors influencing the ultimate adoption levels of telecommuting; impacts of energy/air quality, mode choice, and location/urban form; interactions with other transportation demand management strategies; relationships to the traditional urban travel demand forecasting process; cost/benefit tradeoffs; and telecommuting centers.

This paper defines the relationship between telecommunications and transportation, by expanding on linkages already identified in the literature, by identifying additional relationships, and by putting these relationships into a robust conceptual framework. There are conceptual, physical, analytical, and regulatory parallels between telecommunications and transportation. Telecommunications affects the demand for, and supply of, transportation -- and vice versa. In the broadest sense, all communication requires transportation in order to occur: transportation either of people, or objects or of electronic impulses. In other words, communication takes place via one or more of those three modes. It is suggested that "communication breeds communication." That is, the easier it is to communicate (whether through travel or telecommunications), or the more that one or another form of communication takes place, the more that communication as a whole is stimulated. The relative shares of each of the three modes of communication may vary as one mode partially substitutes for another, but the absolute amounts of communication via each mode are likely to increase. Two empirical studies are summarized, one illustrating that teleconferencing increased travel, the other illustrating that telecommuting decreased travel. Other implications for transportation planning are highlighted.

Both as a business response to internal business problems, and as a transportation demand management (TDM) strategy, telecommuting is gaining acceptance in the United States and elsewhere. Yet there is no consensus on what actually does and does not constitute telecommuting. This paper first indicates why approaching such a consensus is important. It then discusses the definition of telecommuting in two different contexts. In the first case, telecommuting is considered in the abstract, in the context of a variety of other remote work options. Each of the remote work options is classified according to its transportation impacts and its managerial implications. In the second case, the efforts of one group to define non-home-based telecommuting in the specific context of an air quality regulation designed to reduce travel are documented.

Both as a business response to internal business problems, and as a transportation demand management (TDM) strategy, telecommuting is gaining acceptance in the United States and elsewhere. Yet there is no consensus on what actually does and does not constitute telecommuting. This paper first indicates why approaching such a consensus is important. It then discusses the definition of telecommuting in two different contexts. In the first case, telecommuting is considered in the abstract, in the context of a variety of other remote work options. Each of the remote work options is classified according to its transportation impacts and its managerial implications. In the second case, the efforts of one group to define non-home-based telecommuting in the specific context of an air quality regulation designed to reduce travel are documented.

We contest the derived demand paradigm for travel as a behavioral absolute. To the contrary, we suggest that travel has an intrinsic positive utility and is valued for its own sake, not just as a means of reaching a destination. We argue that the same positive characteristics that lead people to engage in travel as a recreational activity in itself, are likely to motivate them to engage in apparently excess travel in the context of their mandatory and maintenance activities as well. This paper explores the conceptual basis of a positive utility for travel, and presents some results from an ongoing empirical study of attitudes toward travel. In modeling distance traveled (in each of 11 categories), we found that subjective variables such as Travel Liking, the adventure-seeker Personality trait, the travel stress Attitudinal factor, and the Excess Travel indicator added considerable explanatory power to the Demographic variables traditionally used in such models. It appears that, far from being completely determined by demographically-based needs, the amount of travel demanded is heavily influenced by one’s attitudes toward travel. This is not only true for discretionary (entertainment) purposes as would be expected, but for more “mandatory” purposes such as work/school-related activities as well. We are convinced that the demand for travel arises from a fundamental human need for mobility and other subjective characteristics, as well as from the external causes typically measured. To more accurately forecast travel demand and policy response, the role of those subjective characteristics needs to be understood much better than we do at present.

On February 20, 1986, the regular monthly meeting of the Southern California Association of Governments (SCAG) Transportation and Communications Committee was held as a two-way videoconference. Analysis of travel changes associated with the videoconference showed that vehicle miles traveled actually increased, compared to an average meeting held at the usual single location at SCAG offices. Although the average distance per person to the nearest teleconference site was 24% lower than the distance to the SCAG offices, the attendance at the teleconference was so much higher than average that total VMT was 29% higher than for a typical meeting held at SCAG.