Food insecurity continues to be a major challenge in the United States, affecting 49 million individuals. Quantitative studies show that food insecurity has serious negative health impacts among individuals suffering from chronic illnesses, including people living with HIV/AIDS (PLHIV). Formulating effective interventions and policies to combat these health effects requires an in-depth understanding of the lived experience and structural drivers of food insecurity. Few studies, however, have elucidated these phenomena among people living with chronic illnesses in resource-rich settings, including in the United States. Here we sought to explore the experiences and structural determinants of food insecurity among a group of low-income PLHIV in the San Francisco Bay Area. Thirty-four semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted with low-income PLHIV receiving food assistance from a local non-profit in San Francisco and Alameda County, California, between April and June 2014. Interview transcripts were coded and analysed according to content analysis methods following an inductive-deductive approach. The lived experience of food insecurity among participants included periods of insufficient quantity of food and resultant hunger, as well as long-term struggles with quality of food that led to concerns about the poor health effects of a cheap diet. Participants also reported procuring food using personally and socially unacceptable strategies, including long-term dependence on friends, family, and charity; stealing food; exchanging sex for food; and selling controlled substances. Food insecurity often arose from the need to pay high rents exacerbated by gentrification while receiving limited disability income--​a situation resulting in large part from the convergence of long-standing urban policies amenable to gentrification and an outdated disability policy that constrains financial viability. The experiences of food insecurity described by participants in this study can be understood as a form of structural violence, motivating the need for structural interventions at the policy level that extend beyond food-specific solutions.

BACKGROUND: Forty-nine million individuals are food insecure in the United States, where food insecurity and HIV/AIDS are prevalent among the urban poor. Food insecurity is associated with risky sexual behaviours among people living with HIV/AIDS (PLHIV). No qualitative studies, however, have investigated the mechanisms underlying this relationship either in a resource-rich setting or among populations that include men who have sex with men (MSM). METHODS: Semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted with 34 low-income PLHIV receiving food assistance in the San Francisco Bay Area. The interviews explored experiences with food insecurity and perceived associations with sexual risk behaviours. Interviews were conducted in English, audio-recorded and transcribed verbatim. Transcripts were coded and analyzed according to content analysis methods using an inductive-deductive approach. RESULTS: Food insecurity was reported to be a strong contributor to risky sexual practices among MSM and female participants. Individuals described engaging in transactional sex for food or money to buy food, often during times of destitution. Participants also explained how food insecurity could lead to condomless sex despite knowledge of and desire to use safe sexual practices, largely because the need to obtain food in the short term was prioritized over the desire to use barrier protection. CONCLUSIONS: Our data extend previous research by demonstrating that food insecurity contributes to transactional and unprotected sex among urban poor individuals in a resource-rich setting, including among MSM. These findings underscore the importance of public health and social intervention efforts focused on structural inequalities.

Food insecurity is associated with negative chronic health outcomes, yet few studies have examined how providing medically appropriate food assistance to food-insecure individuals may improve health outcomes in resource-rich settings. We evaluated a community-based food support intervention in the San Francisco Bay Area for people living with HIV and/or type 2 diabetes mellitus (T2DM) to determine the feasibility, acceptability, and potential impact of the intervention on nutritional, mental health, disease management, healthcare utilization, and physical health outcomes. The 6-month intervention provided meals and snacks designed to comprise 100% of daily energy requirements and meet nutritional guidelines for a healthy diet. We assessed paired outcomes at baseline and 6 months using validated measures. Paired t tests and McNemar exact tests were used with continuous and dichotomous outcomes, respectively, to compare pre-post changes. Fifty-two participants (out of 72 initiators) had both baseline and follow-up assessments, including 23 with HIV, 24 with T2DM, and 7 with both HIV and T2DM. Median food pick-up adherence was 93%. Comparing baseline to follow-up, very low food security decreased from 59.6% to 11.5% (p < 0.0001). Frequency of consumption of fats (p = 0.003) decreased, while frequency increased for fruits and vegetables (p = 0.011). Among people with diabetes, frequency of sugar consumption decreased (p = 0.006). We also observed decreased depressive symptoms (p = 0.028) and binge drinking (p = 0.008). At follow-up, fewer participants sacrificed food for healthcare (p = 0.007) or prescriptions (p = 0.046), or sacrificed healthcare for food (p = 0.029). Among people with HIV, 95% adherence to antiretroviral therapy increased from 47 to 70% (p = 0.046). Among people with T2DM, diabetes distress (p < 0.001), and perceived diabetes self-management (p = 0.007) improved. Comprehensive, medically appropriate food support is feasible and may improve multiple health outcomes for food-insecure individuals living with chronic health conditions. Future studies should formally test the impact of medically appropriate food support interventions for food-insecure populations through rigorous, randomized controlled designs.

The scale-up of effective treatment has partially reduced the stigma attached to HIV, but HIV still remains highly stigmatized throughout sub-Saharan Africa. Most studies of anti-HIV stigma interventions have employed psycho-educational strategies such as information provision, counseling, and testimonials, but these have had varying degrees of success. Theory suggests that livelihood interventions could potentially reduce stigma by weakening the instrumental and symbolic associations between HIV and premature morbidity, economic incapacity, and death, but this hypothesis has not been directly examined. We conducted a longitudinal qualitative study among 54 persons with HIV participating in a 12-month randomized controlled trial of a livelihood intervention in rural Kenya. Our study design permitted assessment of changes over time in the perspectives of treatment-arm participants (N = 45), as well as an understanding of the experiences of control arm participants (N = 9, interviewed only at follow-up). Initially, participants felt ashamed of their seropositivity and were socially isolated (internalized stigma). They also described how others in the community discriminated against them, labeled them as being "already dead," and deemed them useless and unworthy of social investment (perceived and enacted stigma). At follow-up, participants in the treatment arm described less stigma and voiced positive changes in confidence and self-esteem. Concurrently, they observed that other community members perceived them as active, economically productive, and contributing citizens. None of these changes were noted by participants in the control arm, who described ongoing and continued stigma. In summary, our findings suggest a theory of stigma reduction: livelihood interventions may reduce internalized stigma among persons with HIV and also, by targeting core drivers of negative attitudes toward persons with HIV, positively change attitudes toward persons with HIV held by others. Further research is needed to formally test these hypotheses, assess the extent to which these changes endure over the long term, and determine whether this class of interventions can be implemented at scale.

This longitudinal qualitative study sought to understand how and why a livelihood intervention affected the health and health behaviors of HIV-infected Kenyan adults. The intervention included a microfinance loan, agricultural and financial training, and a human-powered water pump. In-depth interviews were conducted at two time points with intervention and control participants and program staff. We double coded interviews (n = 117) and used thematic content analysis of transcripts following an integrative inductive-deductive approach. Intervention participants described improvements in HIV health, including increased CD4 counts and energy, improved viral suppression, and fewer HIV-related symptoms. Better health was linked to improved clinic attendance and ART adherence through several mechanisms: (1) reductions in food insecurity and abject hunger; (2) improved financial stability; (3) improved productivity which enhanced social support; (4) better control over work situations; and, (5) renewed desire to prioritize their own health. Livelihood interventions may improve health by influencing upstream determinants of health behavior including food security and poverty.