Prominent models of bilingual visual word recognition posit a bottom-up nonselective view of lexical processing with parallel access to lexical candidates of both languages. However, these accounts do not accommodate recent findings of top-down effects on the relative global activation level of each language during bilingual reading. We conducted two eye-tracking experiments to systematically assess the degree of accessibility of each language in different global language contexts. When critical words were presented overtly in Experiment 1, code switches disrupted reading early during lexical processing, but not as much as pseudowords did. Participants zoomed out of the target language with increasing exposure to language switches. In Experiment 2, a monolingual language context was created by presenting critical words covertly as parafoveal previews. Here, code-switched words were treated like pseudowords, and participants remained zoomed in to the target language throughout the experiment. Switch direction analyses confirmed and extended these interpretations to provide further support for the role of global language control on lexical access, above and beyond effects due to proficiency differences across languages. Together, these data provide strong evidence for dynamic top-down adjustment of the degree of language selectivity during bilingual reading.

Prior research has investigated the quality of information a reader can extract from upcoming parafoveal words. However, very few studies have considered parafoveal processing in bilingual readers, who may differ from monolinguals due to slower lexical access and susceptibility to cross-language activation. This eye-tracking experiment, therefore, investigated how bilingual readers process parafoveal semantic information within and across languages. We used the boundary technique to replace a preview word in a sentence with a different target word during the first rightward saccade from the pretarget region. We manipulated both preview language (nonswitch vs. code-switch) and semantic relatedness (synonym/translation vs. unrelated) between previews and targets. Upon fixation, target words always appeared in the same language as the rest of the sentence to create an essentially monolingual language context. Semantic preview benefits emerged for nonswitched synonym previews but not for code-switched translation previews. Furthermore, participants skipped code-switched previews less often than nonswitched previews and no more often than previews that were unfamiliar to them. These data suggest that bilinguals can extract within-language semantic information from the parafovea in both native and nonnative languages, but that cross-language words are not accessible while reading in a monolingual language mode, as per the partial selectivity hypothesis of bilingual language control. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

Syntactic parsing plays a central role in the interpretation of sentences, but it is unclear to what extent non-native speakers can deploy native-like grammatical knowledge during online comprehension. The current eye-tracking study investigated how Chinese-English bilinguals and native English speakers respond to syntactic category and subcategorization information while reading sentences with OBJECT-SUBJECT ambiguities. We also obtained measures of English language experience, working memory capacity, and executive function to determine how these cognitive variables influence online parsing. During reading, monolinguals and bilinguals showed similar GARDEN-PATH EFFECTS related to syntactic reanalysis, but native English speakers responded more robustly to VERB SUBCATEGORIZATION cues. Readers with greater language experience and executive function showed increased sensitivity to verb subcategorization cues, but parsing was not influenced by working memory capacity. These results are consistent with exposure-based accounts of bilingual sentence processing, and they support a link between syntactic processing and domain-general cognitive control.

For successful language comprehension, bilinguals often must exert top-down control to access and select lexical representations within a single language. These control processes may critically depend on identification of the language to which a word belongs, but it is currently unclear when different sources of such language membership information become available during word recognition. In the present study, we used event-related potentials to investigate the time course of influence of orthographic language membership cues. Using an oddball detection paradigm, we observed early neural effects of orthographic bias (Spanish vs. English orthography) that preceded effects of lexicality (word vs. pseudoword). This early orthographic pop-out effect was observed for both words and pseudowords, suggesting that this cue is available prior to full lexical access. We discuss the role of orthographic bias for models of bilingual word recognition and its potential role in the suppression of nontarget lexical information.

Previous research suggests that bilingual comprehenders access lexical representations of words in both languages nonselectively. However, it is unclear whether global language suppression plays a role in guiding attention to target language representations during ongoing lexico-semantic processing. To help clarify this issue, this study examined the relative timing of language membership and meaning activation during visual word recognition. Spanish-English bilinguals performed simultaneous semantic and language membership classification tasks on single words during EEG recording. Go/no-go ERP latencies provided evidence that language membership information was accessed before semantic information. Furthermore, N400 frequency effects indicated that the depth of processing of words in the nontarget language was reduced compared to the target language. These results suggest that the bilingual brain can rapidly identify the language to which a word belongs and subsequently use this information to selectively modulate the degree of processing in each language accordingly.

Effective listening comprehension not only requires processing local linguistic input, but also necessitates incorporating contextual cues available in the global communicative environment. Local sentence processing can be facilitated by pre-activation of likely upcoming input, or predictive processing. Recent evidence suggests that young adults can flexibly adapt local predictive processes based on cues provided by the global communicative environment, such as the reliability of specific speakers. Whether older comprehenders can also flexibly adapt to global contextual cues is currently unknown. Moreover, it is unclear whether the underlying mechanisms supporting local predictive processing differ from those supporting adaptation to global contextual cues. Critically, it is unclear whether these mechanisms change as a function of typical aging. We examined the flexibility of prediction in young and older adults by presenting sentences from speakers whose utterances were typically more or less predictable (i.e., reliable speakers who produced expected words 80% of the time, versus unreliable speakers who produced expected words 20% of the time). For young listeners, global speaker reliability cues modulated neural effects of local predictability on the N400. In contrast, older adults, on average, did not show global modulation of local processing. Importantly, however, cognitive control (i.e., Stroop interference effects) mediated age-related reductions in sensitivity to the reliability of the speaker. Both young and older adults with high cognitive control showed greater N400 effects of predictability during sentences produced by a reliable speaker, suggesting that cognitive control is required to regulate the strength of top-down predictions based on global contextual information. Critically, cognitive control predicted sensitivity to global speaker-specific information but not local predictability cues, suggesting that predictive processing in local sentence contexts may be supported by separable neural mechanisms from adaptation of prediction as a function of global context. These results have important implications for interpreting age-related change in predictive processing, and for drawing more generalized conclusions regarding domain-general versus language-specific accounts of prediction.