Every year, several hundred people die attempting to cross the border from Mexico into the United States, most often from dehydration and heat stroke though snake bites and violent assaults are also common. This article utilizes participant observation fieldwork in the borderlands of the US and Mexico to explore the experience of structural vulnerability and bodily health risk along the desert trek into the US. Between 2003 and 2005, the ethnographer recorded interviews and conversations with undocumented immigrants crossing the border, border patrol agents, border activists, borderland residents, and armed civilian vigilantes. In addition, he took part in a border crossing beginning in the Mexican state of Oaxaca and ending in a border patrol jail in Arizona after he and his undocumented Mexican research subjects were apprehended trekking through the borderlands. Field notes and interview transcriptions provide thick ethnographic detail demonstrating the ways in which social, ethnic, and citizenship differences as well as border policies force certain categories of people to put their bodies, health, and lives at risk in order for them and their families to survive. Yet, metaphors of individual choice deflect responsibility from global economic policy and US border policy, subtly blaming migrants for the danger - and sometimes death - they experience. The article concludes with policy changes to make US-Mexico labor migration less deadly.

BACKGROUND: Preventable maternal and infant mortality continues to be significantly higher in Latin American indigenous regions compared to non-indigenous, with inequalities of race, gender and poverty exacerbated by deficiencies in service provision. Standard programmes aimed at improving perinatal health have had a limited impact on mortality rates in these populations, and state and national statistical data and evaluations of services are of little relevance to the environments that most indigenous ethnicities inhabit. This study sought a novel perspective on causes and solutions by considering how structural, cultural and relational factors intersect to make indigenous women and babies more vulnerable to morbidity and mortality. METHODS: We explored how structural inequalities and interpersonal relationships impact decision-making about care seeking during pregnancy and childbirth in Wixarika communities in Northwestern Mexico. Sixty-two women were interviewed while pregnant and followed-up after the birth of their child. Observational data was collected over 18 months, producing more than five hundred pages of field notes. RESULTS: Of the 62 women interviewed, 33 gave birth at home without skilled attendance, including 5 who delivered completely alone. Five babies died during labour or shortly thereafter, we present here 3 of these events as case studies. We identified that the structure of service provision, in which providers have several contiguous days off, combined with a poor patient-provider dynamic and the sometimes non-consensual imposition of biomedical practices acted as deterrents to institutional delivery. Data also suggested that men have important roles to play supporting their partners during labour and birth. CONCLUSIONS: Stillbirths and neonatal deaths occurring in a context of unnecessary lone and unassisted deliveries are structurally generated forms of violence: preventable morbidities or mortalities that are the result of systematic inequalities and health system weaknesses. These results counter the common assumption that the choices of indigenous women to avoid institutional delivery are irrational, cultural or due to a lack of education. Rather, our data indicate that institutional arrangements and interpersonal interactions in the health system contribute to preventable deaths. Addressing these issues requires important, but achievable, changes in service provision and resource allocation in addition to long term, culturally-appropriate strategies.

Every year, the United States employs nearly two million seasonal farm laborers, approximately half of whom are migrants (Rothenberg 1998). This article utilizes one year of participant observation on a berry farm in Washington State to analyze hierarchies of ethnicity and citizenship, structural vulnerability, and health disparities in agriculture in the United States. The farm labor structure is organized along a segregated continuum from US citizen Anglo-American to US citizen Latino, undocumented mestizo Mexican to undocumented indigenous Mexican. The ethnography shows how this structure symbolically reinforces conflations of race with perceptions of civilized and modern subjects. These hierarchies produce what is now understood in medical anthropology as structural vulnerability among those with poor living and housing conditions, producing social disparities in health. The ethnographic data argue against the common presumption that social hierarchies are willed by powerful individuals by showing the structural production of these social inequalities and their concomitant health disparities.

This paper utilizes eighteen months of ethnographic and interview research undertaken in 2003 and 2004 as well as follow-up fieldwork from 2005 to 2007 to explore the sociocultural factors affecting the interactions and barriers between U.S. biomedical professionals and their unauthorized Mexican migrant patients. The participants include unauthorized indigenous Triqui migrants along a transnational circuit from the mountains of Oaxaca, Mexico, to central California, to northwest Washington State and the physicians and nurses staffing the clinics serving Triqui people in these locations. The data show that social and economic structures in health care and subtle cultural factors in biomedicine keep medical professionals from seeing the social determinants of suffering of their unauthorized migrant patients. These barriers lead clinicians inadvertently to blame their patients--specifically their biology or behavior--for their suffering. This paper challenges the focus of mainstream cultural competency training by showing that it is not the culture of the patient, but rather the structure and culture of biomedicine that form the primary barriers to effective multicultural health care.

ThePLoS Medicine editors, and Guest Editors Scott Stonington and Seth Holmes, introduce a special collection of articles examining the social structures that contribute to illness and health.