Categories can affect our perception of the world, rendering between-category differences more salient than within-category ones. Across many studies, such categorical perception (CP) has been observed for the basic-level categories of one's native language. Other research points to categorical distinctions beyond the basic level, but it does not demonstrate CP for such distinctions. Here we provide such a demonstration. Specifically, we show CP in English speakers for the non-basic distinction between "warm" and "cool" colors, claimed to represent the earliest stage of color lexicon evolution. Notably, the advantage for discriminating colors that straddle the warm-cool boundary was restricted to the right visual field-the same behavioral signature previously observed for basic-level categories. This pattern held in a replication experiment with increased power. Our findings show that categorical distinctions beyond the basic-level repertoire of one's native language are psychologically salient and may be spontaneously accessed during normal perceptual processing.

Large Language Models (LLMs) have captured the world's attention for their surprisingly sophisticated linguistic abilities, but what they might reveal about human cognition remains unclear. Meanwhile, members of the public routinely share “prompt engineering” tips for eliciting “better” responses from LLMs such as OpenAI's ChatGPT. These efforts parallel research on linguistic framing, which shows that subtle linguistic cues shape people's attitudes and decision-making in a variety of contexts. In this study, we tested whether state-of-the-art LLMs would exhibit similar framing effects as human participants. We adapted a range of linguistic framing stimuli for use with LLMs based on a recently developed taxonomy of framing effects (e.g., lexical, figurative, and grammatical framing). Results revealed that some but not all framing effects replicated with LLMs. These findings have practical applications for interacting with AI systems and inform our understanding of the cognitive mechanisms that underlie the effects of framing.

Does linguistic framing shape memory for consequential events? An influential study by Loftus and Palmer (1974) found that people estimated higher speeds when asked how fast the vehicles involved in an accident were going when they smashed (vs. hit) each other. This finding has proven difficult to replicate, however. Based on a key difference between the original study and previous replications, as well as recent work on linguistic framing, we hypothesized that verbal elaboration and pragmatic inference might moderate this classic effect. In two experiments (N = 1204), participants viewed a brief car accident video. They either wrote a verbal description of the event or did not before answering the verb-framed speed question. Participants who wrote longer descriptions and inferred a greater difference in intensity between the two verb frames were less likely to show the expected framing effect. These findings advance our understanding of how suggestive language influences recollections.

Cognitively reappraising a stressful situation—reinterpreting it to alter its emotional impact—is effective for regulating negative emotions. When reappraising, English speakers spontaneously engage in linguistic distancing, using fewer first-person singular pronouns and present-tense verbs. We investigated whether this pattern generalizes to Spanish, a language proposed to offer unique distancing tools. Spanish and English bilinguals and English monolinguals (N = 163) transcribed their thoughts while responding naturally to negative images or reappraising them (for bilinguals, in both languages). We found that reappraisal increased standard markers of linguistic distancing similarly in English and Spanish. Moreover, stronger linguistic distancing when reappraising in either language was associated with greater reduction in self-reported negative affect. Notably, bilinguals did not utilize Spanish-specific distancing words (e.g., "estar" and diminutives) when reappraising. In showing that English-derived linguistic signatures of emotion regulation extend to Spanish, our findings offer initial evidence that linguistic distancing reflects emotional well-being across languages.

Humans make sense of space in a variety of ways. We can locate the world relative to our bodies, for instance, and thus adopt an 'egocentric' frame of reference for space. Or we can locate the world relative to an external frame of reference --- the cardinal directions, perhaps, or salient geographical features such as mountains. Across contexts and cultures, people vary in the frame of reference they adopt to think and communicate about space. Here, we test an explanation of this diversity: Egocentric encoding is encouraged by dense urban environments, particularly when reasoning about small-scale space. We constructed a corpus of three decades of published studies of cross-cultural variation in spatial frames of reference (N > 7,000 participants). Multilevel Bayesian models confirmed that egocentric encoding is more common in cities (vs. rural environments) and for small-scale space. Our conceptualization of space is shaped by the spaces we inhabit.